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It is one in which the responsibilities and how they are fulfilled varies markedly from those of fathers living in other places and cultures. Though problems exist in Na communities and their relationship patterns are already changing and transforming them, it is encouraging that so many people can live satisfied lives in this flexible system. The Na shatter our expectations about how families and rela-tionships should be organized. They also inspire us to ask whether we can, and should, adapt part of their ethos into our own society.

Still, for feminist scholars, the question of male dominance remained important.

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Were some societies gender-egalitarian? Was gender inequality a cultural phenome-non, a product of culturally and historically specific conditions? Research in the s and s addressed these questions. Think of our own society or the area in which you live. What would you examine? What in-formation would you gather and from whom? What difficulties might you encounter when making a judgment? Might men and women have different views? Kung San in Botswana. What would they notice?

What would they have difficulty deciphering? Many were accessible only through archaeological and paleontological evidence or through historical records, often made by travelers, sailors, or missionaries. Surviving small-scale cultures were surrounded by more-powerful societies that often imposed their cultures and gender ideologies on those under their control. For example, the!

Kung San of Southern Africa when studied by anthropologists, had already been pushed by European colonial rulers into marginal areas. Others lived in market towns and were sometimes involved in the tourist industry and in films such as the ethnographically flawed and ethnocentric film The Gods Must Be Crazy More-recent research has been focused on improving the ethnographic and archaeological record and re-examining old material. Some have turned from cause-effect relations to better understanding how gender systems work and focusing on a single culture or cultural region.

Others have explored a single topic, such as menstrual blood and cultural concepts of masculinity and infertility across cultures. Many previously unexplored areas such as the discourse around reproduction, representations of women in medical professions, images in popular culture, and international development policies which had virtually ignored gender came under critical scrutiny.

The past virtual invisibility of women in archaeology disappeared as a host of new studies was pub-lished, often by feminist anthropologists, including a pioneering volume by Joan Gero and Margaret Conkey, Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory.

That book gave rise to a multi-volume series specifically on gender and archaeology edited by Sarah Nelson. Everything from divisions of labor to power relations to sexuality could be scrutinized in the archaeological record. Some anthropologists argued that there are recurring patterns despite the complexity and variabil-ity of human gender systems.

Chapter 4: Gender and Sexuality | Cultural Anthropology

It is not always valued and does not necessarily lead to political power. Gender relations seem more egalitarian, overall, in small-scale societies such as the San, Trobrianders, and Na, in part because they are kin-ship-based, often with relatively few valuable resources that can be accumulated; those that exist are communally owned, usually by kinship groups in which both women and men have rights. Another factor in gender equality is the social environment.

Positive social relations—an absence of constant hostility or warfare with neighbors—seems to be correlated with relatively egalitarian gender relations. In contrast, militarized societies—whether small-scale horticultural groups like the Sambia who perceive their neighbors as potential enemies or large-scale stratified societies with formal military organizations and vast empires—seem to benefit men more than women overall. As to old stereotypes about why men are warriors, there may be another explanation. From a re-productive standpoint, men are far more expendable than women, especially women of reproductive age.

One can ask why it has taken so long for women in the United States to be allowed to fly combat missions? Certainly it is not about women not being strong enough to carry the plane. Gender intersects with class and, often, with religion, caste, and ethnicity. So, while there could be powerful queens, males took precedence over females within royal families, and while upper-class Brahmin women in India could have male servants, they had far fewer formal assets, power, and rights than their brothers and husbands. In matrilineal societies, descent or membership in a kinship group is transmitted from mothers to their children male and female and then, through daughters, to their children, and so forth as in many Na families.

In this sense, it is the reverse of the kinds of patrilineal, patrilocal, patrifocal male-oriented kinship groups and households one finds in many patriarchal societies. Peggy Sanday suggested, on these and other grounds, that the Minang-kabau, a major ethnic group in Indonesia, is a matriarchy.

Ethnographic data have shown that males, especially as members of matrilineages, can be powerful in matrilineal societies. Warfare, as previously mentioned, along with political and social stratifica-tion can alter gender dynamics. The Nayar in Kerala, India , the Minangkabau, and the Na are matrilineal societies embedded in, or influenced by, dominant cultures and patriarchal religions such as Islam and Hinduism. The society of the Na in China is also matrifocal in some ways. The debate was simultaneously about the power and importance of Afro-Brazilian women in spiritual and cultural life.

On one side of the debate was E. He believed that black women had been matriarchal authorities since the slavery period and described them as defiant and self-reliant. On the other side of the debate was anthropologist Melville Herskovits, who was trained by German immigrant Franz Boas at Columbia University. She also explained that newer caboclo houses in which indigenous spirits were worshipped in addition to Yoruba spirits had less-stringent guidelines and allowed men to become priests and dance for the gods, actions considered taboo in the Yoruba tradition.

Thus, her writings likely represent the views of her primary informants, making her work unique; at that time, anthropologists ethnocentrically considered themselves more knowledgeable about the cultures they studied than the people in those cultures. Landes incorporated ideas from the research of E. The picture is complicated, but the opposite may actually be true. Sometimes they lose traditional rights e. On the other hand, new political, economic, and educational opportunities can open up for women, allowing them not only to contribute to their families but to delay marriage, pursue alternatives to marriage, and, if they marry, to have a more powerful voice in their marriages.

Deeply embedded cultural-origin stories are extremely powerful, difficult to unravel, and can per-sist despite contradictory evidence, in part because of their familiarity. They resemble what people have seen and experienced throughout their lifetimes, even in the twenty-first century, despite all the changes.


  1. The Devils Notebook.
  2. candle log (Japanese Edition).
  3. The Turbulence of Migration: Globalization, Deterritorialization and Hybridity.

Cultural origin stories also persist because they are legitimizing ideologies —complex belief systems often developed by those in power to rationalize, explain, and perpetuate systems of inequality. Supreme Court case that legalized same-sex marriage, especially in the dissenting views.

VALUES, ASPIRATIONS, AND FUFILLMENT: LESSONS FROM GRANDMA DAADI

And cultural models of gender and family played a role in the U. Presidential election. For a related activity, see Activity 3 below. The presidential election was gender precedent-setting in ways that will take de-cades to analyze see for example Gail Collins. For the first time, a major U. And while Hillary Rodham Clinton did not win the electoral college, she won the popular vote, the first woman to do so, and by nearly three million votes.

As a cultural anthropologist who has long studied women and politics, I offer a few preliminary observations on the role of gender in the presidential election. The role-modeling impacts are enormous—and, one hopes, long-lasting. While she was a very positive role model, especially for African-Americans, and developed major initiatives to combat childhood obesity and promote fresh food, she did not challenge gender conventions. How many girls remember her professional credentials and achievements? The presidential campaign stimulated discussion of other often- ignored gender-re-lated topics.

Despite some progress, sexual harassment and sexual assault, including rape, remain widespread in the workplace and on college campuses cf.

Stanford case , The Hunting Ground. Yet there has been enormous pressure on women—and institu-tions—to remain silent.

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Hearing these denials, several women, some well- known, came forth with convincing claims that Trump had groped them or in other ways engaged in inappropriate, non-consensual sexual behavior. Trump respond-ed by denying the charges, insulting the accusers, and threatening lawsuits against the claimants and news media organizations that published the reports. In a normal U. Instead, accusers experienced a backlash not only from Trump but from some media organizations and Trump supporters, illustrating why women are reluctant to come forth or press sexual charges, especially against powerful men see the Anita Hill-Clarence Thomas case.

Clearly, we need more public conversations about what constitutes ap-propriate and consensual sexually related behavior. The presidential campaign revealed that sexism is alive and well, though not al-ways recognized , explicit, or acknowledged even when obvious see article by Lynn Sherr.

The media, both before and after the election, generally underplayed the impact of sexism despite research showing that sexist attitudes, not political party, were more likely to pre-dict voters preference for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton. The campaign also reflected a persistent double standard.

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As a researcher and someone who had many conversations with voters during this elec-tion, I was shocked by the intensity and level of animosity directed at Hillary Clinton. It was palpable, and it went far beyond a normal critique of a normal candidate. Patriarchy was being threatened, and many, though not all, voters found that profoundly disturbing even though they did not necessarily recognize it or admit it.

Beyond that, there is a long tradition of blaming women for personal and societal disas-ters—for convincing Adam to eat the forbidden fruit, for the breakup of joint family house-holds in places like India. Hillary Clinton and her campaign and coalition symbolized and embraced the major transformations—indeed, upheavals—that have occurred in the United States since the s.

It is not just feminism and a new definition of masculinity that rejects the old baboon male-dominance tough- guy model, although that is one change. Bernie Sanders attracted an enormous, enthusiastic following and came close to winning the Democratic presidential primary. And, not surprisingly, Sanders appealed largely to Euro-American demographic groups rather than to the broader spectrum of twenty-first century voters. In short, the election and the candidacy of Hillary Rodham Clinton symbolized more than half a century of enormous change—and a choice between continuing that change or selecting a candidate who symbolized what was traditional, familiar, and, to many, more comfortable.